What are alternative sources of funding in the fire service during Research Proposal

What are alternative sources of funding in the fire service during difficult economic times - Research Proposal Example Hence it is better to fight the turmoil with the alternative strategies of funding. Limited by a stipulated budget, the fire department in the United States are trying to capitalise on a wide range of fund raising approaches beyond the conventional methods (US Fire Administration, n.d.). The fund raising strategies can vary from small fees to large sources of fund as benefit assessments. Sometimes these major funding sources pay off as much as 40 percent of the service budget. Development fees and subscription charges are two of its major alternative funding strategies. These are the fees which the private investors pay for constructing a new fire stations and buying related apparatus. Subscription charges are paid by the households and are a part of the emergency medical services availed by them (US Fire Administration, n.d.). Some fire divisions have suggested, keeping these fees specific for small house hold fires. According to them, an additional service charge must be paid for dealing with the emergency services. Few fire departments, though aware of the fact that the housing insurance policies do cover up a few thousand dollars for fire protection fees, would still like to charge for fire prevention services. Some other departments charge almost for everything, starting from simple services to the special emergency ones (US Fire Administration, n.d.). The payment can be in two ways; either by subscription fee or by service fees for each of the services. The major source of funding comes from the emergency incidents. Some services which were free earlier are charged these days. Some local funding strategy include tax revenue, borrowing, leasing, benefit assessment charges, fees, strategic alliances, cost sharing and consolidations, fines and citations, sales of assets and services, subscriptions and impact development fees (US Fire Administration, n.d.). Apart from these there are more miscellaneous

Indian Independence Speech Essay Example for Free

Indian Independence Speech Essay As you know all of us have gathered here to celebrate 67th independence day of our nation. This day, after the hosting national flag, we usually make mistake by remembering the heroic deeds of only few freedom fighters. But freedom fighting was collective effort. Without cooperation, sacrifice and involvement of all Indians it was impossible to get the freedom. So people of India were the real national heroes behind the success. We should express our sincere gratitude to all those who participated in the freedom struggle. This can only be done by defending our freedom like our ancestral property which cannot be valued. How to defend? Single person cannot defend it; again group effort is essential it is nothing but unity. How to form this unity? We should always remember that only patriotism can form unity irrespective of religion, language, caste, customs and traditions. So having patriotism only can save the freedom of our nation. To keep faith in secularism No compromise must be with patriotism, Punish the forces that support terrorism Else one bad day we will loose our freedom. I would like to express my views about the dark side of Present India. How should I say ‘My INDIA is great’? In this republic from schools to parliament, Elections are held at every moment, Children’s are taught fighting for the seat, How should I say ‘My India is great’? Even after golden jubilee of unconstraint, Many citizens are unable to fill their gut, Rich become richer and rests are indigent, How should I say ‘My India is great’? People are emotionally divided by communalist, Border in the north and south has water dispute, Leaders are selfish and have no solving interest, How should I say ‘My India is great’? Capable civilians are facing unemployment, Socially unfits have led the political movements, Voters are under tense of serious terror threat, How should I say ‘My India is great’? All are seeking benefits without effort, Bribery has become the style of management, Whole country pushed into a big corruption pit, How should I say ‘My India is great’? I pray to the divine creator with sentiment, Please give birth to sincere nationalist, Who should drive my nation towards overall development, So that I should say ‘My India is great’ Apart from these Our India is great country because Indians are generous, broad minded, kind hearted and united. No doubt we quarrel among ourselves for various reasons but we stay united in front enemies and in times of danger. I have got few facts which are in support of above statements. During Kargil war our Govt couldn’t spend even a single paisa from the budget but people gave every kind support for it. During Tsunami in Chennai, Flood in Bihar and Orissa, draught in the country, earthquake in Gujarat and Maharashtra and similar other natural disasters people stood united and helped each other, extended all kind of cooperation to start a new life. So I Say that My India is great and Indians are the greatest. â€Å"I am proud to be an Indian† India is a great country with many religions. It has rich natural resources and lengthy frontier with vast region. North has The Himalayas and south with the Hindu ocean, Bay of Bengal in the east and the west has the sea Arabian. It’s being administered with language wise partition. All are leading peaceful life with national integration. Enemy’s conspiracy is impossible with the unity of the nation. Festivals are celebrated here with memorable function.People help each other in time of affliction. So my India is great also I am proud to be an Indian.

Mech. of Pitching :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A baseball pitcher throws a baseball across the plate and the batter hits it to center field, and elderly man pitches horseshoes, a young person spikes a volleyball, student practices driving a golf ball while a college athlete practices punting a football. Once more, as is the case with pushing and pulling, a widely diverse set of activities has a common denominator. Each of these activities involves sequential movement of the body segments resulting in the production of a summated velocity at the end of the chain of segments used. The path produced by the end point of this chain of segments is curvilinear in nature. Sequential segmental motions are most frequently used to produce high velocities in external objects. Depending on the objective of the skill, speed, accuracy, distance, or some combination, modifications in the sequential pattern may be involved, larger or smaller ranges of motion might be used, and longer of shorter lever lengths may be chosen. Re gardless of the modifications, the basic nature of the sequential throwing, striking or kicking pattern remains the same.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Broer was the first to call attention to the similarity of movement patterns used in seemingly dissimilar activities such as the baseball pitch, the badminton clear, and the tennis serve. Objective evidence of such similarities between throwing and striking activities within each of the three major upper-extremity patterns; overarm, sidearm and underarm. The representative activities from these categories across throwing patterns also showed great similarity in the muscular action of the lower extremity. Atwater distinguished between the overarm and sidearm throwing patterns in terms of the direction in which the trunk laterally flexed. When lateral flexion occurred away from the throwing arm, and overarm pattern was used; lateral flexion toward the throwing arm indicated a sidearm pattern. The underarm patter is distinguished by motion predominantly in a sagittal plane with the hand below the waist. Each pattern involves a preparatory movement referred to as a ba ckswing, or windup, followed by the establishment of a base of support prior to the initiation of the force phase and ending in the follow-through. The base of support in the direction of the force application; forward and backward is a distinguishing feature of skill level. It has been well documented that more highly skilled individuals have longer strides. Once the base has been established, the more proximal segments begin the force application phase while the more distal segments complete the backswing.

Night World : Soulmate Chapter 5

Hana turned and hurried up the riverbank. The woman screaming was Sada, her mother's sister^ and the girl who was stumbling beside her was Ryl, Hana's little cousin. Ryl was a pretty girl, ten years old. But right now she looked dazed and almost unconscious. And her neck and the front of her leather tunic were smeared with blood. â€Å"What happened?† Hana gasped, running to put her arms around her cousin. â€Å"She was out looking for new greens. I found her lying on the ground-I thought she was dead!† Sada's face contorted in grief. She was speaking rapidly, almost incoherently. â€Å"And look at this-look at her neck!† On Ryl's pale neck, in the center of the blood, Hana could just make out two small marks. They looked like the marks of sharp teeth-but only two teeth. â€Å"It had to be an animal,† Ket breathed from behind Hana. â€Å"But what animal only leaves the marks of two teeth?† Hana's heart felt tight and oddly heavy at once- like a stone falling inside her. Sada was already speaking. â€Å"It wasn't an animal! She says it was a man, a boy! She says he threw her down and bit her-and he drank her blood.† Sada began to sob, clutching Ryl to her. â€Å"Why would he want to do that? Oh, please, somebody help me! My daughter's been hurt!† Ryl just stared dazedly over her mother's arm. Ket said faintly, â€Å"A boy†¦Ã¢â‚¬  Hana gulped and said, â€Å"Let's take her to Old Mother †¦Ã¢â‚¬  But then she stopped and looked toward the river. The men were driving the stranger up the bank. He was snarling, terrified and angry-but when he saw Ryl, his expression changed. He stared at her, his wounded animal eyes sick and dismayed. To Hana, it seemed as if he could hardly stand to look at her, but he couldn't look away. His gaze was fixed on the little girl's throat. And then he turned away, his eyes shut, his head falling into his hands. Every movement showed anguish. It was as if all the fight had gone out of him at once. Hana looked back and forth in horror from the girl with blood on her throat to the stranger with blood on his mouth. The connection was obvious and nobody had to make it out loud. But why? she thought, feeling nauseated and dizzy. Why would anybody want to drink a girl's blood? No animal and no human did that. He must be a demon after all. Arno stepped forward. He gripped Ryl's chin gently, turning her head toward the stranger. â€Å"Was he the one who attacked you?† Ryl's dazed eyes stared straight ahead-and then she suddenly seemed to focus. Her pupils got big and she looked at the face of the stranger. Then she started screaming. Screaming and screaming, hands flying up to cover her eyes. Her mother began to sob, rocking her. Some of the men began to shout at the stranger, jabbing spears at him, overcome with shock and horror. All the sounds merged together in a terrifying cacophony in Hana's head. Hana found herself trembling. She reached automatically for little Ryl, not knowing how to comfort her. Ket was crying. Sada was wailing as she held her child. People were streaming out of the limestone cave, yelling, trying to find out what all the noise was about. And through it all, the stranger huddled, his eyes shut, his face a mask of grief. Arno's voice rose above the others. â€Å"I think we hunters know what to do with him. This is no longer a matter for shamans!† He was looking at Hana as he said it. Hana looked back. She couldn't speak. There was no reason for her to care what happened to the stranger-but she did care. He had hurt her cousin†¦ but he was so wretched, so unhappy. Maybe he couldn't help it, she thought suddenly. She didn't know where the idea came from, but it was the kind of instinct that made Old Mother say she should be a shaman. Maybe †¦ he didn't want to do it, but something drove him to. And now he's sorry and ashamed. Maybe†¦ oh, I don't know! Still trembling, she found herself speaking out loud again. â€Å"You can't just kill him. You have to take him to Old Mother.† â€Å"It's none of her business!† â€Å"It's her business if he's a demon! You're just co-leader, Arno. You take care of the hunting. But Old Mother is the leader in spiritual things.† Arno's face went tight and angry. â€Å"Fine, then,† he said. â€Å"We take him to Old Mother.† Jabbing with their spears, the men drove the stranger into the cave. By then, most of the people of the clan had gathered around and they were muttering angrily. Old Mother was the oldest woman in the clan- the great grandmother of Hana and Ryl and almost everybody. She had a face covered with wrinkles and a body like a dried stick. But her dark eyes were full of wisdom. She was the clan's shaman. She was the one who interceded directly with the Earth Goddess, the Bright Mother, the Giver of Life who was above all other spirits. She listened to the story seriously, sitting on her leather pallet while the others crowded around her. Hana edged close to her and Ryl was placed in her lap. â€Å"They want to kill him,† Hana murmured in the old woman's ear when the story was over. â€Å"But look at his eyes. I know he's sorry, and I think maybe he didn't mean to hurt Ryl. Can you talk to him, Old Mother?† Old Mother knew a lot of different languages; she'd traveled very far when she had been young. But now, after trying several, she shook her head. â€Å"Demons don't speak human languages,† Arno said scornfully. He was standing with his spear ready . although the stranger squatting in front of the old woman showed no signs of trying to run away. â€Å"He's not a demon,† Old Mother said, with a se–veie glance at Amo. Then she added slowly, â€Å"But he's certainly not a man, either. I'm not sure what he is. The Goddess has never told me anything about people like him.† â€Å"Then obviously the Goddess isn't interested,† Arno said with a shrug. â€Å"Let the hunters take care of him.† Hana gripped the old woman's thin shoulder. Old Mother put a twiglike hand on Hana's. Her dark eyes were grave and sad. â€Å"The one thing we do know is that he's capable of great harm,† she said softly. â€Å"I'm sorry, child, but I think Arno is right.† Then she turned to Arno. â€Å"It's getting dark. We'd better shut him up somewhere tonight; then in the morning we can decide what to do with him. Maybe the Goddess will tell me something about him as I sleep.† But Hana knew better. She saw the look on Arno's face as he and the other hunters led the stranger away. And she heard the cold and angry muttering of others in the clan. In the morning the stranger would die. Unpleasantly, if Arno had his way. It was probably what he deserved. It was none of Hana's business. But that night, as she lay on her leather pallet underneath her warm furs, she couldn't sleep. It was as if the Goddess were poking her, telling her that something was wrong. Something had to be done. And there was nobody else to do it. Hana thought about the look of anguish in the stranger's eyes. Maybe †¦ if he went somewhere far away †¦ he couldn't hurt other people. Out on the steppes there were no people to hurt. Maybe that was what the Goddess wanted. Maybe he was some creature that had wandered out of the spirit world and the Goddess would be angry if he were Jailed. Hana didn't know; she wasn't a shaman fef. All she knew was that she felt pity for the stranger and she couldn't keep still any longer. A short time before dawn she got up. Very quietly, she went to the back of the cave and picked up a spare waterskin and some hard patties of traveling food. Then she crept to the side cave where the stranger was shut up. The hunters had set a sort of fence in front of the cave, like the fences they used to trap animals. It was made of branches and bones lashed together with cords. A hunter was beside the fence, one hand on his spear. He was leaning back against the cave wall, and he was asleep with his mouth open. Hana edged past him. Her heart was pounding so loudly she was certain it would wake him up. But the hunter didn't move. Slowly, carefully, Hana pulled one side of the fence outward. From the darkness inside the cave, two eyes gleamed at her, throwing back the light of the fire. Hana pressed fingers against her mouth in a sign to be quiet, then beckoned. It was only then that she realized exactly how dangerous what she was doing was. She was letting him out-what was to stop him from rushing past her and into the main cave, grabbing people and biting them? But the stranger did no such thing. He didn't move. He sat and his two eyes glowed at Hana. He's not going to come, she realized. He won't. She beckoned again, more urgently. The stranger still sat. Hana's eyes were getting used to the darkness in the side cave and now she could see that he was shaking his head. He was determined to stay here and let the clan kill him. Hana got mad. Balancing the fence precariously, she jabbed a finger at the stranger, then jerked a thumb over her shoulder. You-out! the gesture meant. She put behind it all the authority of a descendant of Old Mother's, a woman destined to be co-leader of the clan someday. And when the stranger didn't obey immediately, she reached for him. That scared him. He shrank back, seeming more alarmed than he had at anything else that had happened so far. He seemed afraid for her to touch him. Afraid he might hurt me, Hana thought. She didn't know what put the idea into her mind. And she didn't waste time wondering about it. She simply pressed her advantage, reaching for him again, using his fear to make him go where she wanted him to. She herded him into the main cave and through it. They both moved like shadows among the shelters built along either side of the cave, Hana feeling certain that they were about to be caught any minute. But nobody caught them. When they got outside she guided him toward the river. Then she pointed downstream. She put the food and the waterskin in his hands and made far-flung gestures that meant, Go far away. Very far away. Very, very far. She was going into a pantomime indicating what Arno would do with his spear if the stranger ever came back when she noticed the way he was looking at her. The moon was up and so bright that she could see every detail of the strange boy's face. And now he was looking at her steadily, with the quiet concentration of a hunting animal, a carnivore. At the same time there was something bleak and terribly human in his eyes. Hana stopped her pantomime. All at once, the space around the cave seemed very large, and she felt very small. She heard night noises, the croaking of frogs and the rushing of the river, with a peculiar intensity. I should never have brought him out here. I'm alone with him out here. What was I thinking? There was a long pause while they stood looking at each other silently. The stranger's eyes were very dark, as bottomless and ageless as Old Mother's. Hana could see that his eyelashes were long and she realized again, dimly, that he was handsome. He lifted the packet of traveling food, looked at it, then with a sudden gesture he threw it on the ground. He did the same with the waterskin. Then he sighed. Hana was bristling, going from fear to annoyance and back again. What was he doing? Did he think she was trying to poison him? She picked up the food packet, broke a piece of traveling food off and put it in her mouth. Chewing, she extended the packet toward him again. She made gestures from packet to mouth, saying out loud, â€Å"You need to eat, food. Eat! Eat!† He was watching her steadily. He took the packet from her, touched his mouth, and shook his head. He dropped it at his feet again. He means it isn't food to him. Hana realized it with a shock. She stood and stared at the strange boy. The food isn't food to him and the water isn't drink. But Ryl's blood †¦ he drank that. Blood is his food and drink. There was another long pause. Hana was very frightened. Her mouth was trembling and tears had come to her eyes. The stranger was still looking at her quietly, but she could see the fangs indenting his lower lip now and his eyes were reflecting moonlight. He was looking at her throat. We're out here alone †¦ he could have attacked me at any time, Hana thought. He could attack me right now. He looks very strong. But he hasn't touched me. Even though he's starving, I think. And he looks so grieved, so sad†¦ and so hungry. Her thoughts were tumbling like a piece of bark tossed on the river. She felt very dizzy. It hurt Ryl†¦ but it didn't kill Ryl. Ryl was sitting up and eating before we all went to sleep tonight. Old Mother said she's going to get well. If it didn't kill her, it wouldn't kill me. Hana swallowed. She looked at the strange boy with the glowing animal eyes. She saw that he wasn't going to move toward her even though a fine trembling had taken over his body and he couldn't seem to look away from her neck. What good does it do to send him off starving? There's no other clan near here. He'll just have to come back. And I was right before; he doesn't want to do it, but he has to do it. Maybe somebody put a curse on him, made it so he starves unless he drinks blood. There's nobody else to help him. Very slowly, her eyes on the stranger, Hana lifted the hair from one side of her neck. She exposed her throat, leaning her head back slightly. Hunger sparked in the strange boy's eyes-and then something blazed in them so quickly and so hot that it swallowed up the hunger. Shock and anger. He was staring at her face, now, not her neck. He shook his head vehemently, glaring. Hana touched her neck and then her mouth, then made the far-flung gestures. Eat. Then go away. And for the Goddess's sake, hurry up, she thought, shutting her eyes. Before I panic and change my mind. She was crying now. She couldn't help it. She clenched her fists and her teeth and waited grimly, trying to hang on to her resolve. When he touched her for the first time, it was to take her hand. Hana opened her eyes. He was looking at her with such infinite sadness. He smoothed out her fist gently, then kissed her hand. Among any people, it was a gesture of gratitude†¦ and reverence. And it sent startling tingles through Hana. A feeling that was almost like shivers, but warm. A lightness in her head and a weakness in her legs. A sense of awe and wonder that she'd only ever felt before when Old Mother was teaching her to communicate with the Goddess. She could see startled reaction in the stranger's eyes, too. He was feeling the same things, and they were equally new to him. Hana knew that. But then he dropped her hand quickly and she knew that he was also afraid. The feelings were dangerous-because they drew the two of them together. One long moment while they stood and she saw moonlight in his eyes. Then he turned to go. Hana watched him, her throat aching, knowing he was going to die. And somehow that wrenched her insides in a way she'd never experienced before. Although she kept herself standing still, with her head high, she could feel the tears running down her cheeks. She didn't know why she felt this way-but it hurt her terribly. It was as if she were losing something†¦ infinitely precious†¦ before she'd had a chance to know it. The future seemed gray, now. Empty. Lonely. Cold and desolate, she stood by the rushing river and felt the wind blow through her. So alone†¦ â€Å"Hannah! Hannah! Wake up!† Someone was shouting, but it wasn't a voice from her cave. It sounded-faraway-and seemed to come from all directions, or maybe from the sky itself. And it was saying her name wrong. â€Å"Hannah, wake up! Please! Open your eyes!† The faraway voice was frantic. And then there was another voice, a quiet voice that seemed to strike a chord deep inside Hana. A voice that was even less like sound, and that spoke in Hana's mind. Hannah, come back. You don't have to relive all this. Wake up. Come back, Hannah-now. Hana of the Three Rivers dosed her eyes and went limp.

Output Research on Indigenous People’s Group

All Aeta communities have adopted the language of their Austronesian neighbors, which have sometimes diverged over time to become different languages. These include, in order of number of speakers, Mag-indi, Mag-antsi, Abellen, Ambala, and Mariveleno. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Religious Beliefs and Practices ?There are divergent views on the dominant character of the Aeta religion. Those who believe they are monotheistic argue that various Aeta tribes believe in a supreme being who rule over lesser spirits or deities.The Mamanua believe in the supreme Magbabaya while the Pinatubo Aeta worships Apo Namalyari. According to anthropologist E. Arsenio Manuel, the Agta believe in a supreme being named Gutugutumakkan. Manuel notes other lesser deities of the Agta; Kedes, the god of hunting; Pawi, the god of the forest; and Sedsed, the god of the sea. There are four manifestations of the â€Å"great creator† who rules the world: Tigbalog is the source of life and action; Lueve ta kes care of production and growth; Amas moves people to pity, love, unity, and peace of heart; while Binangewan is responsible for change, sickness, and death.These spirits inhabit the balete tree. †¢Marriage ?After the bride and the groom have fed each other with a handful of rice supposedly blessed by god, a â€Å"mabalian† or a priest conducting the ritual would gently knock the couples’ heads to perfect the marital vow. †¢Dressing ?The traditional clothing of the Aeta is very simple. Cloth wraparound skirts are worn by the women when young. Elder women wear bark cloth, and the elder men loincloths. The old women of the Agta wear a bark cloth strip which passes between the legs, and is attached to a string around the waist.Today most Aeta who have been in contact with lowlanders have adopted the T-shirts, pants and rubber sandals commonly used by the latter. †¢Music ?The Aeta have a musical heritage consisting of various types of agung ensembles †“ ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as drone without any accompanying melodic instrument. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?The most common form of Aeta visual art is the etching found in their daily tools and implements. This is done on the outer surfaces of various household containers/utensils and ornaments.Bamboo combs are decorated with incised angular patterns. Geometric designs are etched on arrow shafts. They are also skillful in weaving and plaiting. For example, the Mamanua, like other Aeta groups, produce excellent nego or winnowing baskets, duyan or rattan hammocks, and other household containers. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?Aetas are found in Zambales, Tarlac, Pampanga, Angeles, Olongapo, Panay, Bataan and Nueva Ecija. But because of the Mount Pinatubo eruption, some of them move to resettlement areas in Pampanga and Tarlac. 2. THE B’LAANS I. CULTURE The basic culture is dry cultivation of a broad range of food pla nts including rice, supplemented by food gathering and hunting. Culture change is in an advanced stage. The B’laan language is classified in a group that includes the Tiruray and T’boli, which are distinct from the central Philippine group. The same pattern of scattered settlements exists among the group although the houses generally remain within sight of each other near swidden fields. Rice, corn, and millet are planted. Corn is gradually supplanting rice as the staple. Gardens are planted to sugar cane, bananas, and rootcrops.Each neighborhood is organized under a local datu who has autonomous authority over an area depending on his personal influence. The position is supposedly hereditary and follows a rule of the firstborn assuming the position. The lebe is the B’laan equivalent of the Bagobo magani. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?B'laans adheres to sedentary form of agriculture and engage in other economic endeavors for their subsistence and devel opment. Although many have adapted the ways of the modern Filipino and have been integrated into the main body politic, they still believe and practice their indigenous rituals and customs.B'laans observe certain rituals in their planting cycle. In these rituals, they make offerings to their deities requesting for signs to know where to best make a clearing for a particular planting season. One of this is the mabah or offering to the deities requesting omens that would help them choose the fields for planting. B'laans practice swidden farming as the main agricultural method. They grow rice, corn, sugarcane, banana, papaya, and other rootcrops. Some of their crops are used as barter commodities in exchange for tools and other utensils that they need. †¢Marriage ?Parents arrange the marriage of the children.They are the ones who decide for their future partners. Children are suppressed of their right to refuse. The B'laan practice giving of sunggod or bride price wherein the brid e price wherein brides family especially the father and close raltives demand valuable things and animals such as agong, carabao, horse from the grooms family. The wedding is officiated by a Fulong with the presence of the elders in the community. For them, wedding is the merriest celebration which usually lasts for four days. The people in the community enjoy the saf kain, aparty prepared by the groom's family at the bride's wife.A muli agno (welcome party) is also being held by the groom for his wife. The men especially the Bong Fulong and the Dad Tua are polygamous, men are allowed to have many wives for as they are capable to give sunggod (dowry) and can feed his family/ies. Having many wives is a symbol of power and influence. To be a Bong Fulong's wife who is able to give birth to many sons symbolizes prestige and high status. †¢Burial ?The B'laan does not use chemicals to preserve their dead instead the dead body is wrapped with tadtad or broken bamboo then tied with uwa y (rattan) and hang in the tree.It should be done within 24 hours from the time the person dies. They believe that hanging the cadaver in a tree is a form of respect to the dead person because if it is buried underground, the earthworms and other soil organisms will feed on the flesh of the person while if it hanged the cadaver will decompose in a natural way. †¢Music ?The B’laan use musical instruments extensively with their rituals and dances. The instruments run the full range of idiophones (percussions), zithers (bamboo tubes with strings), chordophones (wooden lutes), and aerophones (flutes and reeds). Dressing ?The people of these tribes wear colorful embroidered native costumes and beadwork accessories. The women of these tribes, particularly, wear heavy brass belts with brass ‘tassels' ending in tiny brass bells that herald their approach even when they are a long way off. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?They are famous for their brass works, beadwork and t' nalak weave. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?The B’laans is one of the indigenous peoples of Southern Mindanao in The Philippines. Their name could have derived from â€Å"bla† meaning â€Å"opponent† and the suffix â€Å"an† meaning â€Å"people†.Other terms used to refer to this group are Blaan, Bira-an, Baraan, Vilanes, and Bilanes. The B’laan, are neighbors of the T'boli, and live in in Lake Sebu and T'boli municipalities of South Cotabato, Sarangani, the southeastern part of Davao and around Buluan Lake in North Cotabato. 3. THE T’BOLI’S I. CULTURE ?Only a few T'boli are Christian or Islamite. More than 95 percent of The T'boli people still has their animistic religion. They were hardly influenced by the spread of the Islam on the island. The Spaniards too, didn't succeed to Christianize the T'boli during the Spanish colonial period.Main reason was that the T'boli withdrew to the hinterlands in the uplands. ?The T'boli still beli eve in spirits who live on several places in the natural environment. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?In the past the T'boli practiced the primitive way of agriculture â€Å"slash and burn†. â€Å"Slash and burn† means that the people will clear a part of the forest by cutting the big trees and burning the lower and smaller trees and bushes, after which they use the cleared plots as arable land for some years without any fertilization.Rice, cassava and yams were the most important agricultural products. Next to that, the people went hunting or fishing for additional food. For years slash and burn is no longer possible. The forests are gone by intensive economic activities as foresting. At present The T'boli live in the mountains. Agriculture is the only source of income. Some foreigners, in cooperation with the aid organization Cord Aid, succeeded in developing some hectares of arable land in the last few years. Nevertheless, the T'boli live in poor circumstanc es; a struggle for live. †¢Courtship Blit B'laan is a courtship dance of the B'laan people of Davao del Sur in which the dancers mimic the behavior of forest birds in the mating season. Two male dancers that represent richly-plumed male birds eye three females. The females try to hide from the males, burying their heads under their wings, which are represented by their malongs. Still, the aggressive males pursue them. †¢Marriage ?Sla-i (marriage arrangements) are considered lousy without t’nalak during the exchange of kemu (traditional properties) such as heirlooms, gongs, horses, work animals, ancient swords and other tribal artifacts. †¢Burial Just like the other indigenous peoples in the country, the T’bolis of South Cotabato in Southern Mindanao has interesting burial rituals. Grieving starts when the tau mo lungon (coffin maker) or an elder who has been summoned to ascertain the death gives a wrenching cry. Upon hearing the cry, the family members s tart weeping. If the dead is a child, he or she is simply wrapped in a blanket (nga sadan-kumo) or a mat (igam) and then suspended on a big tree. However, if the dead is an older child or an adult, he or she is wrapped and then placed in a lungon (coffin) together with his or her important belongings.The finances of the dead play a vital role in the type of burial as well as the length of wake given him or her as these must be exhausted before he or she is buried. Hence, the wake could last for a week up to five months. Before the coffin is sealed, the relatives of the dead stroke the corpse as a last farewell. Then the coffin is closed and tied firmly with a darnay. It is at this point that the weeping and grieving come to a halt. The T’bolis bury their dead at night. Before the coffin is brought out of the house, the tau mo lungon breaks a bamboo water container called kobong.As the container breaks, the people let off a shout. The coffin is then brought around the house, a nd then carried out into the burial site. Only the men are allowed to accompany the cortege. At the site, the coffin is placed in a small house-like structure fitted into the pit. After the coffin is settled on the grave, the people sit down for a meal, leaving some of it on the grave. After the meal, the tau mo lungon breaks an earthen jar, after which the people start leaving the site in a single file, following the order in which they had come, kuloy or plumelike flowers of talahib on their head.Reaching the house, they jump over two T’boli knives (Kafilan or Tok) stuck on the ground forming an X. Then they bathe in a nearby river. Otherwise, the bereaved family put their left foot on a stone at the stair landing, and then walks to a tray of food from which they scoop a little, eat it, and then exit through the backdoor. Finally, the house of the dead is either burned or abandoned as they build a new one. †¢Music ?The T'boli have a musical heritage consisting of vario us types of agung ensembles – ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as drone without any accompanying melodic instrument.T'boli have a variety of musical instruments including a drum, the agong, the kulintang, bamboo zither, flute, the hegalong, a long, slender and spindle-shaped two stringed guitar. They have also a variety of dances, which are mostly expressive imitations of their immediate environment. †¢Dressing ?The T'boli women are known for their body ornaments. During ordinary days, the women can be seen wearing several sets of beaded necklaces, brass or beaded dangling earings, and a wooden comb decorated with round pieces of mirror and trimmed with beads and fibers or horse's hair.The men nowadays wear their traditional dresses made of tnalak only during special occasions. Both the men and women wear brass rings in sets of five for each finger. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?T’nalak is an exotic fabric mad e through a centuries-old process of tie-dye weaving by the T’boli women. It is made into bags of different sizes, attache case, wall decors, blankets, jackets, purse, clothing, cigarette case, belts, portfolio and others. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN The T'boli is of proto-Malayan stock and is found in the mountain ranges of South Cotabato and Sultan Kudarat Provinces. 4. THE HIGAONON I. CULTURE ?The belief in the power of the spirits of ancestors and in the influence of more than one god is strongly rooted in the hearts and minds of many Higaonon. Most Higaonon still have a strong belief in the existence of gods and spirits. The ‘upper god’ is Magbabaya, the creator of all aspects of life. There are several ‘lower gods’. Each ‘lower god’ has dominion over a specific part of the natural environment.There is a lower god (Igbabasok) who has dominion over the farms, a lower god (Pamahandi) who has dominion over treasures and properties, a lower god (Bulalakaw) who has dominion over the waters and fishes and there is a lower god (Panalagbugta) who has dominion over lands. The (ancestor) spirits have control on all aspects of the daily life of the people. This belief, called â€Å"animism†, influences the Higaunon people deeply. They believe that all problems like illnesses, bad harvests and even the death, are due to their failure to satisfy the spirits.The Higaonon believe that they have to please the spirits. Only if the Higaonon succeed during their life to fulfill all the wishes of the spirits, they will not die and a path will be shown to go from this world into the eternal world where the creator gods live. One way to satisfy the spirits is having rituals with sacrifices. Pigs and chickens are the most common sacrifices. Without the sacrifices or when there not enough sacrifices, there will be problems with their subsistence, crops will fail and illnesses will not be cured and people will die.If somebody gets ill, an ‘all knowing’ shaman is asked advice what to do. The shaman is a person in the village who has the ability to tell which spirit caused the sickness and what should be done to pacify the spirit II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?The Higaonon is one of the mountain tribes in the Philippines. Most Higaunon still have a rather traditional way of living. Farming is the most important economic activity. †¢Courtship ?Prior to the wedding, the boy must live in the girl's house for about a year to prove his worth and where he is scrutinized by the parents of the girl. Marriage ?Marriage in Higaonon society is arranged mainly by the parents of the boy and girl. The arrangement is a long and tedious process. The wedding ceremony is elaborate and expensive. Feasting lasts for several days at the residence of the bride and groom. The marriage of a datu is even more elaborate. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?The main economic activity is slash and burn cultivation of upland rice and corn. The agricultural cycle starts during March and April when the Higaonon devote themselves to clearing and planting. They also engage in food gathering.Their livelihood is supplemented by logging timbers like apitong, lauan, yakal, kamagong and narra. The timber is cut by hand and the logs are hauled using carabaos as draft animals to bring the logs down to the Agusan river. The hunting of banog, bats, snakes, field rat, monkey and different kinds of birds is prevalent. Fishing is also one of the major activities. Occasionally, poisons are used in streams. Spear guns are also employed. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN †¢The Higaonon are an indigenous tribe found in the northern regions of the island of Mindanao in The Philippines.With a population estimated at 350, 000, they are distributed over five provinces — Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur, Misamis Oriental, Lanao del Norte and Bukidnon. 5. THE IFUGAO’S I. CULTURE ?In the past the Ifugao were fear ed head-hunters, just as other tribes in the mountainous regions of northern Luzon. The war-dance (the bangibang) is one of the cultural remnants of the time of tribal conflict. Their ancestors constructed the fascinating rice terraces with the perfect working irrigation systems. These mountain tribes still distinguish themselves by their specific cultural expression and their skills.II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?Ifugao culture revolves around the rice, which is considered a prestige crop. There is an elaborate and complex array of rice culture feasts inextricably linked with taboos and intricate agricultural rites, from rice cultivation to rice consumption. Harvest season calls for grandiose thanksgiving feasts, while the concluding harvest rites â€Å"tungo† or â€Å"tungul† (the day of rest) entail a strict taboo of any agricultural work. Partaking of the rice beer (bayah), rice cakes, and betel nut is an indelible practice during the festivities and ritua l activities. Practice ?Batok or tattooing is practiced by Ifugao men in some districts. In other districts the tradition has disappeared, but in general, men tattoo almost all the parts of their body except the back and the feet. Tattooing of the chest, shoulders, arms is common; less common are tattoos on the face, buttocks and legs. Younger men tattoo only their necks and upper chest. The more common tattoo designs used by the Ifugao men are: tinagu (man); kinahu (dog); ginawang (eagle); ginayaman (centipede); kinilat (lightning); pongo (bracelet). †¢Marriage Monogamy is the norm, but the wealthy sometimes practice polygamy. The incest prohibition extends to first cousins; more distant cousins may be married only on payment of livestock penalties. Ifugao courtship takes place in the girls' houses ( agamang ). Before a wedding, temporary trial marriages sometimes occur. Wealthy parents arrange marriages through intermediaries, and they make decisions concerning their children 's use and inheritance of property. Families exchange gifts and maintain close relations following marriage. Divorce may occur by mutual consent, or with the payment of damages if contested.Grounds for divorce include bad omens, childlessness, cruelty, desertion, and change of affections. There is a vast difference in property allocation if the couple has children. Childless partners each take whatever they brought individually into the marriage through inheritance and then divide commonly acquired joint property equally; if there are children, all property goes to the children. A widow or widower may marry again only after making a payment to the deceased spouse's family; the payment is reduced if the second spouse is of that same family.Postmarital residence is typically close to the largest rice field acquired by either partner, but newlyweds may initially spend some time with the parents of either the groom or the bride. Both sexes may inherit property and debts from both parent s, although the firstborn receives the greatest share. An illegitimate child has the right to receive support from his or her natural father's family but no right to inherit from his estate. †¢Burial ?Their funerals are not only a sad event because of the lost of the person. There is also a celebration during days; because of they believe of a better life after death.Six years after the body is buried, the bones are dug up, after which a second celebration will take place. This is one time repeated after another six years. †¢Music ?Generally Ifugao songs can be classified into ritual songs and non-ritual songs. Ritual songs are sung in religious occasions; some songs require responses while others are extemporaneous. A ritual song is the alim. Non-ritual songs include the hudhud, the liwliwa, and the salidumnay. The liwliwa, used to express love, protest and other personal emotions, is sung in debate form by groups of men and women and their leaders.The salidumnay, which c an express ideas or emotions, is usually sung antiphonally by groups of men and women. †¢Dancing ?Dancing has always been part of the Ifugao life, taking center stage during rituals, religious activities, and special occasions. The dance steps follow a slow shuffle with slow turns and twists of the left hand and a fast up-and-down movement of the right hand. While kneeling in front of the dancers, the gong players hold the gangsa on top of their thighs with the convex side held up. They beat the gongs with their hands, the right hand giving the downward stroke, the left hand serving to dampen the sound.Speeches are made in between these dances, with the resounding â€Å"whoooo-o-eee† serving to silence those present so that the speech may be delivered. †¢Dressing ?Men wear their hair short all around the head but the middle part is allowed to grow long, thus giving impression that they wear a cap of hair. Some wear a turban. Ifugao men carry butong (hip bags), the l arger kind is called the pinuhha; the smaller kind the ambayong. The pinuhha bags are made of white threads, the ambayong of double block thread. The men usually put their betel nut leaves and lime container, kottiwong (small crescent-shaped nife), wooden spoon, amulets, and other things here. Necklaces worn by Ifugao males are usually a string of 2 to 8 pieces of gold, silver, or copper in a C-shape and worn tight at the base of the neck. Pang-o of amber beads, which hang much lower than the other necklaces, are sometimes added. In some places, men wear a tight necklace or trapezoidal shells. Many Ifugao men also wear leglets made of Copper wire wound spirally in 20 to 40 coils, gradually increasing in width from above downward. Some wear armlets made of tusks of wild boar.A belt called ginuttu, made of round white shells kept together by a string of rattan dyed red, is worn at the waist from the right side of the upper part of the left thigh, and then allowed to hang loose at the left side. ?Ifugao women, on the other hand, wear the tapis, a wraparound skirt called the ampuyou or tolge. The ordinary tapis consists of a blue cloth with narrow white horizontal stripes and two broken line of red triangles, and is worn just above the knee (Vanoverbergh 1929:209). Ifugao girls begin to wear the tapis by the time they are five or six years old. There are five kinds of Ifugao skirts.The inggalgalletget is worn just above the knee. It is full of narrow stripes and is made of two pieces of cloth joined together. This skirt is working in the rice paddies, but is not in fashion at present. The intinlu is a typical Ifugao skirt made of three pieces of cloth. The pieces are joined together with a takdog and other stitches, a black thread alternating with white. The indinwa skirt is also typically Ifugao although less frequently woven. It is shorter than the intinlu but longer than the working skirt. The gamit skirt is made of two equal pieces of cloth joined together by takdang stitch.Red and white threads alternate with white and yellow (takdog stitch); its edges that fray are hemmed and have a bambulud. Gamit skirts are characterized by elaborate border designs which vary according to the type and the color of alternating threads woven into the textile. Some Ifugao women allow their hair to hang loose at the back, but some fold their hair up and use a string of beads called atake or inipul; these they wind several times around the head to keep the hair in place. The atake is made of small white beads while the inipul is of large beads of light colored agate.Sometimes these beads are worn around the neck. The women put their belongings in the folds of their tapis in front or in a pouch made of cloth similar to that used by men, except that it has no rings and is thus carried in the hands or pace din the folds of the tapis. Women also tattoo their arms up to the shoulder blade, with designs similar to men. Earring and pendants used by men are also worn by the women. The necklaces hang lower than those of the men, sometimes reaching the navel. Copper bracelets are also used by the women. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft They have skills in making bowls; baskets, weapons and clothing. The Ifugao still practice the same skills as in the past: Woodcarving and weaving clothes. They discovered the tourists as a welcome client for their products in a time that the youngest Ifugao prefer Western clothes. ?The Ifugao produce baskets to serve the needs of the household, and many other purposes. They have baskets for winnowing, storing, catching pests and domesticating animals, storing grains and cooked food, keeping household utensils, clothes, and personal belongings, and for rituals and religious ceremonies.Carrying baskets have been so designed as to leave a person’s hands free to carry other loads. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?The Ifugao inhabit the most rugged and mountainous part of the country, high in the Central Cordillera in northern Luzon, with peaks rising from 1,000-1,500 m. , and drained by the waters of the Magat River, a tributary of Cagayan River. The area covers about 1942. 5 sq. km. of the territory. Their neighbors to the north are the Bontoc; to the west Kankanay and Ibaloy; to the east the Gaddang; and to the south the Ikalahan and Iwak.There are 10 municipalities in the province: Banaue, Hungduan, Kiangan, Lagawe, Lamut, Mayoyao, Potia, Hingyan and Tinoc. There are 154 barangay, with Lagawe as the town center of the province. 6. THE IBANAG I. CULTURE ?Their language is also named Ibanag, which also serves as the lingua franca of other neighboring ethnic groups such as the Gaddang, Yogad, and a few Aeta. This is spoken by about 500,000 peoples in Isabela and Cagayan, especially in Tuguegarao, Solana, Cabagan, and Ilagan. However, most of the Ibanags can also speak Ilocano, one of Northern Luzon's dialects.II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?The Ibanags are lowland farmers that used to in habit the area along the Cagayan coast but migrated further inland. They conducted trade with neighboring areas using distinctive seacrafts, and their commercial interests made their language the medium of commerce throughout the region before the influx of Ilokano migrants. They are also excellent blacksmiths and continue to make good bolos. . Are agricultural, and they engage in fishing and farming. †¢Marriage ?Marriage customs, to great degree, have been made simple.Expenses are now borne by both parties unlike before when the groom's parents shouldered all wedding expenses. Preparations may not be very lavish but the umune-ca presents and maginterga, are still parts of marriage customs, likewise the gala is, sine qua non especially in rural wedding. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?The Ibanag are concentrated on the Provinces of Cagayan, Nueva Vizcaya, Isabela. The Ibanag are among the minority of Filipino people that live along the banks of the Cagayan River. They are the most ass imilable and adaptable among groups of the Filipino people.On Cagayan, Ibanag are more found in Tuguegarao, Abulug, Pamplona, Camalaniugan, Lal-lo, Amulong, Iguig, Penablanca and Aparri towns. 7. THE MANOBO I. CULTURE ?An occupation that figures as entertainment for the Manobo is bee hunting, the procedure for which the basis of the comic bee-hunting dance. Bees appear during the season when the tress start to bloom. The hunter waits for them along the creek banks and trails them to their hive. If he catches a bee, he ties a fluff of cotton to it and then releases it. When the bee reaches the hive, the other bees raise such a buzzing noise, that a hunter is led to the location of their hive.He builds a fire to smoke out the bees and then climbs the tree to get the empty bee hive. However, the hunter faces hazards, such as the tree catching fire or the bees attacking him. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Farming ?The upland Manobo practise swidden or slash-burn farming whereas those in habiting the valleys practise wet-rice farming. Rice culture is so central to the Manobo way of life that there are more than 60 different names for rice varieties, and all agricultural rituals center on it. †¢Marriage ?Intervillage relationship is based on upakat or reciprocity.Village members, usually belonging to kinship group or groups allied by marriage, expect assistance from each other in matters of subsistent labor, defense, and support in crises. Marriage is traditionally by parental arrangement, which begins when each of two families chooses a spokesperson, preferably a datu or bai, who is known for eloquence and knowledge of custom law. The ginsa (â€Å"asking†) begins with the girl's representative offering betel chew, which the boy's representative politely refuses until negotiations for the kagun (bridewealth) begin.All the groom's relatives, especially the datu/bai related to the groom's family, will contribute to the kagun. The wedding date is determined by the length of the groom's family will need to raise the kagun. In the meantime, the bride's relatives are preparing the apa (wedding feast), consisting of rice, meat, fish, and rice wine. On the wedding day, the groom – wearing a white handkerchief – and his party walk to the bride's home. The bride is kept hidden behind a curtain in another room with someone guarding her.The groom's party knocked at the doorway y the ed-ipal, two or more of the bride's relatives who may ask the groom's party for a gift, such as clothing or money. After the feast, the elders sit on a large mat for the edteltagan he rirey, to display the symbols for the bride's value. Ten piles of corn kernels each are laid out in rows. Each pile symbolizes remuneration for the pains taken by the bride's family in rearing her. For example, one pile represents the purangan (to keep awake at night), the sleepless nights the parents spent over her; another pile represents the tugenan (viand), the nouris hment they have given er. Then the groom's family presents the items of the kagun which may consist of a house, a piece of land, clothing, money, articles made of iron, brass, and animals. These items are distributed to members of the bride's extended family, especially her aunts and uncles and those who contributed to the bridewealth given by her father when he married the bride's mother. The negotiations over, the groom's family presents the tenges (headcloth), which symbolizes that the arrangements must be wrapped up tightly to ensure a happy life for the young couple. The seru ritual follows: the bride and groom sit before a dish of rice.Each of the spokespersons takes a fistful of rice, molds it into a ball, and gives it to the couple, who feed each other. Then the guests join in the eating, with much revelry. The bride's mother prepares betel chew and hands it to her daughter, who offers it to the groom. This gesture symbolizes her tasks and duties as a wife. The couples are t hen given advice by the elders while the guests leave for home. The groom's parents stay for three more days, during which a purification ritual of chickens and rice is performed for the couple's gimukod (soul-spirit), whose approval of the marriage is sought.The groom goes home with his parents to call his gimukod in case it stayed there while he was away. He does not stay away too long from his bride's home because, for every day that he is gone, he must gift his in-laws with an article of clothing. Marriage is an alliance system in which reciprocity and mutual obligation between the groom's and bride's kinship groups are expected. It is, therefore, a means of maintaining peace and oder, for the Manobo's practice of retaliation does not extend to one's kindred or allies. Incest taboo is strictly followed up to a common great-great-great grandparent on both the mother's and father's side. Polygamy, although rarely practised, was allowed. A datu might resort to it, usually for econo mic and political reasons. Several wives allowed for more fields that could be cultivated, since the Manobo women did all the work in the fields. Polygyny also multiplied one's alliances and expanded them to several communities. However, the man could take another wife only if the first wife and her parents consented. The fist wife remained the head wife. †¢Burial ?When death occurs, lapuy, death messengers, are sent to inform relatives and friends.The body is washed, dressed in best clothes of the deceased, laid on mat at the exact center of the floor directly underneath the peak of the rooftop, and completely covered with a blanket. Objects, such as a bolo sword that the dead must take with it on its journey to the afterlife, are placed near the body. A clothesline is strung parallel to the body, and the clothes of the family or the dead person's personal possessions are hung there. There is much wailing and shouting and the agung (gong) is constantly beaten to announce the d eath to everyone within the hearing distance.The number of beats indicates the dead person's age, status and social position. After the grave has been dug, someone stands guard by the pit to keep the busaw away. Burial rites begin in the house with the â€Å"cutting the strand† ritual: an elder blackens half of a strand of manila hemp. This blackened end is held by the family while the white end is tied to the corpse. The strand is cut to signify the cutting of ties of affection between the family and the dead. A man is buried facing the east so that the sunrise will signal to him that it is time to work.A woman is buried facing the west so that the sunset will remind her that it is time to cook. As the dirt is thrown back into the pit, all turn their backs to avoid temptation of accompanying the dead person. The grave marker is a low wooden frame. Tree cuttings are stuck around the grave. After the burial, the mourners go to an unfrequented part to wash themselves and the to ols used to dig the grave. When they return to the house, they spit on a burning woo or a fire by the doorway. Everyone takes a small bite from the small meal that has been placed on the mat where the corpse had lain in state.The last person coming in takes the glowing piece of wood and the meal out of the house and throws it in the direction of the grave. Everyone, including the soul of the dead, is invited to eat. A mourning period of 8 to 12 days is set, depending on the stature of the dead person. A baby is mourned only for one day; a datu, seven days. There is singing and dancing but no instrumental music is allowed. †¢Music ?Manobo music differs from one group to another. The variance can be observed in the gong ensembles, which may consist of 8 to 10 agong (gongs) as in the ahong of Magpet, or five small hand-held gongs as in the sagagong. Dressing ?Before the Spanish colonial period, the Manobo wore bark cloth to cover their genitalia. Today they wear Western clothes: t he skirt and blouse or dress for the women, trousers and sports shirt for men. The heavily embroidered traditional Manobo costume is now worn only on special occasions. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?Traditional fabric for clothes was abaca or hemp, weaved by the ikat process, but is now cotto cloth obatained through trade. Dyes were acquired from plants and trees: the tagum plant and the bark of the lamud treee produced lack, the turmeric root, yellow, and the keleluza plant, red.Ginuwatan are inwoven representational designs such as flowers. If cotton trade cloth is bought, big floral designs are preferred. Typical colors are red, black, yellow, green, blue and white. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?Most Manobo inhabit the river valleys, hillsides, plateaus, and interiors of Agusan, Bukidnon, Cotabato, Davao, Misamis Oriental, and Surigao Del Sur. The whole Manobo population numbers 250,000. The subgroup Manuvu inhabits a contiguous area along southern Bukidnon, northeastern Cotabato, an d northwestern Davao. The Ilianon, Livunganen-Arumanen, and Kirintekan are in northern Cotabato.The Tigwa/Tigwahanon are concentrated in Lindagay and scattered all over the town of San Fernando, Bukidnon, close to the border of Davao Del Norte. Tigwa may have derived from guwa (scattered) or the Tigwa River, whose banks they inhabit. The Umayamnon are scattered around the town of Cabalangsan, Bukidnon, and the interiors of Agusan Del Sur. The western Bukidnon Manobo inhabits the southwestern quarter of Bukidnon province. 8. TIRURAY I. CULTURE ?Their language is structurally related to those of the Malayo-Polynesian family. But when spoken, it is unintelligible even to their immediate neighbors.II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Religious practices and beliefs ?According to the Tiruray, the world was created by the female deity Minaden, who had a brother named Tulus, also called Meketefu and Sualla. Tulus is the chief of all good spirits who bestow gifts and favors upon human beings. He goes around with a retinue of messengers called telaki. Tulus is said to have rectified some errors in the first creation of theworld and of human beings. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?The Tiruray have not developed the arts of traditional cloth weaving, metal craft, and pottery, but have excelled in basketry.They are, in fact, one of the most accomplished basket weaving groups among the country's cultural communities. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?They live in the upper portion of a river-drained area in the northwestern part of South Cotabato, where the mountainous terrain of the Cotabato Cordillera faces the Celebes Sea. The Tiruray call themselves etew teduray or Tiruray people, but also classify themselves according to their geographic location: etew rotor, mountain people; etew dogot, coastal people; etew teran, Tran people; and etew awang, Awang people, or etew ufi, Upi people. . TAUSUG I. CULTURE ?Tausugs are experienced sailors and are known for their colorful boats or vintas. They are also superb warriors and craftsmen. They are also famous for the Pangalay dance (also known as Daling-Daling in Sabah), in which female dancers wear artificial elongated fingernails made from brass or silver known as janggay, and perform motions based on the Vidhyadhari (Bahasa Sug: Bidadali) of pre-Islamic Buddhist legend. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Religious practices and beliefs ?The Tausug follows standard Islamic beliefs and practices.The Quran is considered by all Muslims as the words of Allah (God), revealed to the prophet Muhammad through archangel Gabriel, and as the source of all Islamic Law, principles and values. Aside from the Quran and the Sunnah and Haddith (literally, â€Å"a way, rule, or manner of acting†), other Islamic sources of law include Ijtihad (independent judgment) and Qiyas (analogy). The Five Pillars of Islam are dec-laration of beheb in the oneness of God and the prophethood of Muhammad and the four obligations of praying, almsgiving , fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in one's lifetime. Marriage ?Marriage is ideally arranged by parents. Contacts between the sexes are restricted and marriageable women are kept in relative seclusion to protect their value to their family as political and economic assets. First and second cousins are favored spouses (with the exception of the children of brothers). A series of negotiations precedes marriage, concluding with an agreement on the amount of bride-wealth and other expenses to be paid by the boy's family. In addition to arranged marriages, wives may be obtained by elopement or abduction, both common alternatives.Weddings are held in the groom's parents' house immediately upon payment of bride-wealth and are officiated by an imam. Newly married couples generally reside uxorilocally for the first year, or until the birth of a child, after which they are free to join the husband's family, remain with the wife's family, or, preferably, build a new house of thei r own, typically close to the husband's natal community. Independent residence is the eventual ideal. Relations between husband and wife are characteristically close and enduring.Divorce is permitted but is infrequent, occurring in less than 10 percent of all marriages and, although polygamy is allowed, few men take more than one wife. †¢Burial ?Four acts must be performed at death: bathing the corpse, enshrouding it, reciting the prayer for the dead, and burial. Burial is followed by a seven-day vigil. Depending on a family's economic circumstances, commemorative feasts may be held on the 7th, 20th, 40th, and 100th day, and on the first, second, and third anniversaries of death. Each person is believed to have four souls that leave the body at death.The body goes to hell, where the length of punishment it suffers is determined by the misdeeds and accumulated religious merit of the deceased. On the fifteenth day of the month of Shaaban, one of the souls of the dead is sent back to earth: here the deceased is honored with prayers and on the following day graves are cleared. †¢Music ?Various musical instruments played solo or as an ensemble, provide the Tausug with music. Most notab-le is the kulintangan ensemble consisting of two gandang (drums), a tungallan (large gong), a duwahan (set of two-paired gongs), and the kulintangan (a graduated series of 8 to 11 small gongs).At least five players are needed to play the ensemble which is used to accompany dances or provide music during celebrations. Other popular instruments are the gabbang (na-tive xylophone) and the biyula (native violin). With 14 to 24 keys divided into seven-note scales, the gabbang has become the most popular musical instrument in Sulu. It is used to accompany Tausug vocal music such as the sindil. The tune produced when the gabbang is played solo by a man or woman is called tahta'. The biyula is similar to but larger than the western violin. It consists of four strings played by a bo w made of horsehair.Traditionally played by men, the biyula, with the gabbang, accompany the sindil (Kiefer 1970:2) Flute music is associated with peace and travel. It represented by the following less popular instruments: the saunay (reed flute), suling (bamboo flute), and kulaing (jew's harp). The saunay is essentially a six-holed slender bamboo, 1. 5 mm in diameter, capped by a sampung simud (mouthguard). A resonating chamber made of palm leaves is housed in the mouthguard. The suling is a larger version of the saunay. It is a 60-cm long bamboo with a 2-cm diameter. Like the saunay, it has six fingerholes (Kiefer 1970:4).The repertoire for Tausug instrumental music in-clude: the gabbang tahtah (gabbang with biyula accompaniment); the kasi-lasa, lugu, and tahtah (biyula songs); the sinug kiadtu-kari (kulintangan); the tiawag kasi (saunay music), the tahtah (suling music); and others. Kalangan or Tausug vocal music can be divided into narrative and lyric songs, and further into the lugu and the paggabang traditions. The luguh traditio-n denotes unaccompanied religious songs, while the paggabang tradition applies to â€Å"more mundane† songs that are accompanied by the gabbang and biyula. †¢Dancing The most well-known dance of the Tausug is the pangalay. It is the basic style from which the move-ments of various dances in Sulu and Tawi-Tawi are derived. The pangalay is danced by either sex, alone or together, and is usually accompanied by the kulintang ensemble. The movement of the pangalay is concen-trated on the thighs, knees, ankles, toes, waist, shoulders, neck, elbows, wrists, and fingers. The torso is usually kept rigid, moving upward or downward as the flow of the dance demands. The feet is firmly planted on the ground and move in small shuffling steps (Amilbangsa 1983:14, 62).The pangalay dances are distinctive in their use of the janggay (metal nail extenders) to underscore hand movements. The extended fingers are stiff and set apart from the thumbs. †¢Livelihood/ Handicraft ?Tausug visual arts are represented by carvings, metalworks, woodworks, tapestry and embroidery, mat making and basketry, textile and fashion, pottery, and other minor arts. III. GEOGRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?Mainly in the Philippines Region: Jolo, Sulu Archipelago. Palawan Island, Basilan Island, Zamboanga City. 10. BADJAO I. CULTURE ?The Badjaos are itinerant travelers.Their paintings and carvings are integral to their life cycle. In wedding ceremonies, the wedding beautician must be adept at applying the special makeup on the bride and groom. With a razor blade tied with thread to a split bamboo twig, the beautician shapes the bride’s eyebrows into a triangle and carves tiny bangs on her forehead. Lampblack is used to outline a rectangle on her forehead and is emphasized by a yellow ginger juice. Black dots are outlined horizontally above the eyebrows and/or beneath the eyes with the pointed end of a coconut midrib.Another beautician attends to the groom and his face is made up the same way. II. CUSTOMS/ TRADITIONS †¢Marriage ?In wedding ceremonies, the wedding beautician must be adept at applying the special makeup on the bride and groom. With a razor blade tied with thread to a split bamboo twig, the beautician shapes the bride’s eyebrows into a triangle and carves tiny bangs on her forehead. Lampblack is used to outline a rectangle on her forehead and is emphasized by a yellow ginger juice. Black dots are outlined horizontally above the eyebrows and/or beneath the eyes with the pointed end of a coconut midrib.Another beautician attends to the groom and his face is made up the same way. †¢Music ?The Badjaos have five types of songs: the leleng, binoa, tenes, panulkin, and lugu. Except for the last two, the lyrics are improvised and sung to a traditional tune. The â€Å"leleng† is sung in most occasions. Anyone can sing the leleng. †¢Dancing ?The Badjao’s dance traditions are simila r with the other ethnic groups of Sulu, particularly the tribes in Samal. The basic traditional dance movement is the igal or pangalay performed by the female.The dancer’s hair is preferably pulled back in a bun, although it may also be allowed to hang loose. Either a drum or a gabbang accompanies the dance. †¢Dressing ?The traditional attire of the Badjao consists of either everyday wear or elaborately embroidered costumes for special occasions. The patadjung/tadjong has many uses. Among the Badjao it is large enough to fit any person and is worn by both men and women as a skirt or gown tucked at the chest level. It can serve as putung (headcover), waistband, sash, blanket, hammock, shoulder bag, cradle, pouch, hood, or pillow. Livelihood/ Handicraft ?Metal craft designs can be classified into three kinds: the repousse, relief hammered from the reverse side; arabesque, incision of interlocking curves; and filigree, tracing with thin gold, silver, or brass wires.III. GEO GRAPHY/ TERRAIN ?Sulu-Tawitawi, Siasi, Tabawan, Bonggao Sitangkai, Cagayande Tawitawi (Mapun); Basilan, Maluso, Malamawi, Bohe’ Lobbong; Zamboanga del Sur, Rio Hondo, Batuan Lumbayaw, Taluk Sangay, Sanggali; Zamboanga del Norte, Olutangga; Davao City, Isla Verde, Sasa; Cagayan de Oro; Visayas, Cebu, Tagbilaran; Palawan, Puerto Princesa; Batangas.

The Handmaids Tale Essays

The Handmaids Tale Essays The Handmaids Tale Paper The Handmaids Tale Paper Essay Topic: Literature The Handmaids Tale is set in the near future in what was the United States but in Offreds time is known as Gilead. Gilead is in the hands of a power hungry elite who have used their own brand of Bible based religion as an excuse for the suppression of the majority of the population. Atwood takes aspects of our society today such as the decline of the Caucasian birth rate in North America, infertility and sexually transmitted diseases and makes a society within Gilead that combats these issues. Atwood states there is nothing in the novel which has not been done already by somebody, somewhere. The Handmaids Tale is Atwoods version of what if? in the most powerful democracy in the world. Atwood takes a common setting which is the United States known to us as the most powerful democracy in the world and takes issues which affect the world today and uses these aspects of life to create a horrifying dystopian novel. Gilead is frightening because it presents a mirror image of what is happening in the world around us. The first sentence in Chapter one is We slept in what had once been the gymnasium. When people have to sleep in a communal place after a natural disaster they are often relocated to a gymnasium or other such place. In this case the reader wonders what natural disaster has hit Gilead and why is it necessary to sleep in a gymnasium. We later on learn that a natural disaster has not struck and this is in fact the work of human beings. This effectively conveys the dystopian world. The people in the gymnasium have had their choice removed. The wall is a significant object in Gilead. It is not a person but it is the most powerful resource in the Gilead regime because it creates fear. The guards of the complex Offred is held in at the beginning of the novel arent even allowed inside it. With the men not allowed in the Red Center and the women now allowed outside of it, they are each isolated from each other. Even though women are isolated from men, they are also separated from each other. Women are segregated further into social classes, such as the Handmaid or the lowly Econowife. These women are separated by their function of society, and they are identified with the color they wear. Handmaids wear red, which Offred is opposed to because she never looked good in red (14). Her opposition to the color shows the limits of her decision-making (if it can be argued that she makes any at all). All women are separated according to their colors, whether it was red, the green that the Marthas wear, black, or the ugly stripes of the Econowives. While all women were separated into classes, identifiable by their color, this was not the end of Offreds removal from society. Even between women of the same class, Offred being a Handmaid, communication is still heavily regulated. Even before she is a Handmaid, when she is in the gymnasium, the other women and she are held with little sense of community. They can only reach out and touch one another when the Aunts werent looking (10) in the dark, showing the sense of separating between women and the enforcement of that separation from women of a different class, the Aunts. When Offred and another Handmaid are allowed to be together (allowed in the sense that it is an illusion that is really an attempt to keep them in line by preying on their fears that the other may be an Eye), they are almost afraid to talk to one another. Praise be (28) is Just one of the many examples of the automated responses that the Handmaids are able to give ach other and anyone else they come into contact with. The mistrust of Handmaids even between one another caused by the Eyes further separates Offred, and indeed all other women. composition of her thoughts is an act of rebellion against that isolation. She thrives on the idea that if she tells her story she is creating a community. Any story that is told must have an audience, so by narrating her story she is believing [the reader] into being (267) and creating a community of her own. Throughout the entire novel, Offred is trying to create a community. The Latin that is carved into the wood of her(? room gives her a sense of connection with someone, even if they had never met. She makes up a story for this person, how they may have actually escaped, and thinking up a story for her to believe makes the person who was there before her real, and she would feel some sort of connection with them. Offred wants to continue this trend when she wants to steal something (114). She wants to steal something, which she decides should be a flower, so she could leave it [under the mattress], for the next woman (115) to have. She uses these objects to symbolize the idea of connection and community within the Handmaids, the ones ho are all connected by that one room and the objects that are found in it. Though Offred looks for connection with the other Handmaids, perhaps the stronger community she feels, the one that dominates her mind for a good portion of the novel, is that with her own family. Luke and her daughter give Offred a sense of community, and she spends an excessive amount of time wondering about Luke and thinking about their past. She explains to the reader her connection with Luke and how the two had an affair before they were married. One night while she lies awake in bed, she thinks up all of the cenarios of what could have happened to Luke the night they were trying to escape into Canada. She dreams up three situations and thinks them all at once because one of them must be (122) true, though she hopes that Luke, their daughter, and herself will one day be all three of us together (122), and obvious longing for the idea of community in her own family as well as the other Handmaids. Resistance to the totalitarian regime and its oppressive nature is, for the large part, futile. This is made obvious by the percentage of women who are bound to their duties. Only one woman that Offred knows of, Moria, has ever escaped. Only one woman out of all of the Handmaids and Econowives and other women has ever escaped, but even that offers some hope for a little while. Even after Moira escapes, she is recaptured and ends up living her life as a prostitute, and hasnt really escaped to freedom. When Offred meets her against she notes that Moira is lacking the rebellious attitude that used to be so central to her (284), and it appears that even Moira, the lesbian symbol of feminism and rebellion against male oppression, has been broken down and now possesses a lack of volition (284). The evidence of he futility of resistance is abundant in the text. Perhaps the biggest, if not the most demoralizing of this evidence is the note that is left behind by the previous Handmaid, the nolite (174). ind, and she makes her a strong symbol of resistance to the Gilead regime. By knowing that the previous Handmaid scratched such a motivating line, not letting the bastards get you down (228), Offred is given a sense of resistance. It isnt until the Commander tells her that the previous Handmaid killed herself that Offred is struck by a demoralizing realization: the previous Handmaid let the bastards get her down. This is strong, upsetting evidence to Offred that perhaps there is no escape and that resistance is ultimately fruitless. When Offred mentions that she feels for the first time, their true power (286), she is basically giving into the regime and giving up all of the past hopes of resistance she had. She says that they can do whatever they like with me. I am abject (286) after Ofglens death, and she now feels compelled to stop resisting and succumb to the Gilead. When she is confronted by Serena Joy after she becomes abject (286), she is completely void of any type of resistance, even when threatened with ending up Just ike the other [Handmaid] (349). Though this does not occur toward the end of the novel, the idea of resistance being useless is drilled into their heads the entire novel. Even after Janine is raped and has to have an abortion, she is made to feel like she is the one who is guilty. She is called crybaby (86) by the rest of the Handmaids when she is recounting the events and cries because of them. The Handmaids are all coerced by Aunt Helena into blaming Janine for her own rape, and that it was her fault, her fault, her fault (85) and that God allowed such a terrible thing (86) to teach her a lesson, teach her a lesson, teach her a lesson (86). When the Handmaids all chant these responses in unison against Janine it seems to break down the resistance that each of the Handmaids has against Gilead. By hearing themselves chant it they are conditioned to think of themselves as second-class citizens and that they are to be blamed by things that may be out of their control. It even forces the Handmaids to despise [Janine] (86) after she begins crying because of how ugly she looks while she is crying, when in fact she is only crying because of he rest of the Handmaids blaming her for her abuse. When the Commander first asks Offred to play Scrabble with him, she is deeply puzzled and amused by it. The Commanders room was thought to be the forbidden room (1 38), and Scrabble was harmless compared to what Offred could imagine being in this room. However, upon considering it a bit longer, though she knew only old men and women played it when there was nothing good on television (1 38), Scrabble now interests Offred the way it hadnt before. Now that the game had been outlawed for he, it seemed dangerous and indecent (138), and the fact that it is onsidered enviable when it hadnt been before. When Offred mentions that context is all (144), she means it in the way that she does when she considers Scrabble indecent. Context is unique to the situation and the way it is perceived. When Scrabble was once boring, now that it is available in a situation where Offred would otherwise not be able to play, it seems enticing. reader, may seem menial and unimportant are now considered sexual or indecent because of the context they are put in. When Offred is reading a magazine, because Handmaids are not allowed to read, the Commander is watching her and Offred nows that he found pleasure in seeing [her read] (153). Offred knows that she should feel evil for reading and that the Commander gets some sort of sexual gratification out of Just watching her read. During the Ceremony, the Commander, as well as Offred, seems blank while they are attempting to get Offred pregnant. He is approaching it as if it is a duty and it should be pleasurable, and when he is done he leaves because he thinks it is impersonal (156). Context plays a large role in him unable to find pleasure in sex with Offred but he finds a large amount of pleasure in watching her read and do hings that are forbidden because of the idea that they are doing things that are considered illegal. Offred sees Gilead as a totalitarian regime that means to take away the ability for Offred as well as other Handmaids to own her own body. She is given freedom from as opposed to freedom to (24). Context is important to the novel because it is from the point of view of Offred. Because it is from her point of view, the entire novel makes Gilead seem oppressive and an evil totalitarian regime. The reader is made to become sympathetic to the plight of Offred and those like her because of the idea hat she is being repressed by a government that step in to power when the government of the United States was taken out. The idea of nolite te bastardes carborun-dorum (54), or not letting the bastards (Gilead) get you down, depicts Gilead as trying to get Handmaids down. The Salvaging, the bodies hanging on the wall, and the abundance of suicide in the novel all paint a portrait of Gilead as uncaring and unfeeling toward the plight of the women. The reader is meant to think this until the Historical Facts section, where Professor Pieixoto is giving a presentation n Gilead. When the point of reference is changed from the oppressed Offred to that of Professor Pieixoto, the readers understanding of Gilead changes radically as well. Pieixoto warns against passing moral Judgment upon the Gileadeans (292) because of the pressure the government was under and the extraordinary circumstances they faced. The presentation of Pieixoto starkly contradicts the portrayal of Gilead by Offreds section of the novel. Declining population numbers as a result of birth control and toxins led to the radical changes in the attitude towards women in Gilead, and women became vessels to try to sustain life. Gilead was strongly driven by religion and the Christian Bible, as was seen in the Ceremony where a man and his wife would use a Handmaid to produce a child to be taken by the Wife. Context as being the most important idea in interpreting a novel is only understood after reading the section with Professor Pieixoto. After the reader is conditioned to being sympathetic toward Offered because it is from her point of view, novel when the novel suddenly becomes understanding, if not sympathetic, to Gilead.

Essay on Cash for Keys

Essay on Cash for Keys Essay on Cash for Keys Everyone wins in the Cash for Keys program (Troeh, 2009). The Cash for Keys program gives homeowners who are struggling to make their mortgage payments the opportunity to receive a lump sum of cash in exchange for vacating their properties by an agreed upon date with the lender. The homeowner agrees to leave the property in move in condition so that the lender may quickly take back the property and lost it for sale. The homeowner is released from all responsibility of the property and the bank saves thousands of dollars in legal fees. Cash for Keys was created to aid both homeowners and lenders in the mortgage crisis. The mortgage crisis is the result of an insufficiently regulated market (Brock, 2008). Low lending standards were a significant component of the mortgage crisis (Brock, 2008). Lenders made millions of loans to people to buy homes that they could not afford (Brock, 2008). It is estimated that these lending practices have cost lenders tens of billions of dollars (B rock, 2008). The inflationary housing boom meant that people who could not afford their homes were able to refinance or sell (Brock, 2008). Homeownership was a goal that former president George Bush encouraged to citizens by stating â€Å"We want everybody in America to own their own home† (Brock, 2008). An earlier policy to help homeowners was the Making Home Affordable Program. This program was President Obama’s administration’s strategy to help homeowners avoid foreclosure while stabilizing the country’s housing market and improving the nation’s economy (MakingHomeAffordable.gov). This program was implemented on April 1, 2009 and its objective was to lower monthly mortgage payments (MakingHomeAffordable.gov). The program required that the lender who originated the loan must refinance the loan (MakingHomeAffordable.gov). Not all homeowners were eligible for this program. A Short Sale was another program which aimed to help struggling hom eowners with mortgages they could no longer afford. Short sales were a timely process which involved the listing of the property for sale (Elias). Potential buyers could offer a price for the property which was often significantly less than what the homeowner owed to the lender (Elias). A short sale was an attempt to avoid foreclosure or bankruptcy for the homeowner (Elias). Lenders could sue the homeowner for the difference between the loan and the selling price of the property (Elias). There was a tax consequence to short sales – lenders reported the difference to the Internal Revenue Service as taxable income and homeowners were required to pay income tax (Elias). This new problem led to the creation of the Mortgage Forgiveness Debt Relief Act of 2007 which changed how the difference was reported to the Internal Revenue Service (Elias). Short sales have tripled since 2008 to an estimated annual volume of 400.000 based on a data sample of single family residence short sale transactions (Dymi, 2010). Over half of all short sale transactions have been in four states hardest hit by the mortgage crisis: California, Florida, Texas and Arizona (Dymi, 2010). The Cash for Keys program offered hope for those who struggled with attempts to modify loans, list properties as short sales or dealt with harassing collections procedures (Harmon, 2011). The Cash for Keys program offered a bail out to the Homeowner instead of the banks (Harmon, 2011). It offered the homeowner the option to walk away from the home (Elias). The Cash for Keys program offers homeowners cash as an incentive to leave their homes in a timely manner (Brathwaite, 2011). The homeowner agrees to maintain the property and leave it in broom swept condition and also agrees to removing debris from the interior of the home as well as from the exterior (California Department of Real Estate). The homeowner also agrees to leaving all light fixtures, appliances and landscaping intact (California Department of

Free Research Paper

Free Research Paper Free Research Paper Free Research Paper What is my opinion about free research paper?   I do not like it.   I think that free research paper is good only when used as an example of the format.   Otherwise, it should not be copied and submitted as your own. Most universities have a style guide detailing formatting and presentation requirements for academic research paper writing (spacing, required sections, maximum length, etc.) which you will need to follow. Getting a copy of this early, and writing all your chapter drafts in the approved style, can save a lot of time later. If you ask your supervisor or other students, you may be able to obtain an electronic file formatted in the required paper style. If your university has no particular rules for research paper formatting and presentation, then your professional judgment and the rule of consistency should be employed. Read other English research papers in your library and journal articles in order to ascertain general standards apply in your discipline and structure of headings best helps the clarity of the text. Watch for good and bad examples of the use of bold and italic type, font sizes, and so on. Writing a research paper consult with your adviser as much as possible, it will help you avoid many mistakes. Research Paper Ideas Finally, you should read a hard copy of your research paper writing from start to finish, rechecking your paper structure, arguments and looking for grammatical problems. (Some people can edit academic research paper writing successfully on screen. However, most people are more accurate in editing a printed copy of the paper, and it is the printed copy that your examiners will read, so we recommend using a hard copy for final editing.) Your final draft should ideally be fully edited by someone else who is unconnected with the research, and who can read the paper from start to finish, concentrating on spelling, grammar, formatting, expression and presentation. This stage is important for all students in obtaining a final meticulous check, but particularly important if English is not your first language. This final 'editor' may be a friend or family member, or even a professional editor. It should be a native English-speaker if possible, and should certainly be someone who writes well and who is capable of careful attention to detail. If you need research paper help, you can freely ask us for assistance.   We are open 24/7 to help you with research paper writing at any time of day and night.   High quality research paper is a guarantee of good grade and your excellent academic record. Do not hesitate to contact us if you need more information about our research paper writing service.

High performance work systems are effective for the performance of Essay - 1

High performance work systems are effective for the performance of organizations but are not very good for employees Critically discuss - Essay Example entally distinct approach for managing the human resource groups as compared to the traditional hierarchical approach of human resource and performance management which are commonly used in mass production and scientific management (Forth and Millward 2004). The core concept of the high performance work system is based on the development of an employer and employee relationship which is radically different from the Tailorysm management techniques of human resource and performance management in which a controlling and dictating approach is taken up (Armstrong 2006). This work system aims at developing high involvement through the development of an adequate degree of commitment among all levels of human resources working in the organization (Forth and Millward, 2004). The notion of the high performance work system are supported by claims that this system of work practices lead to the creation of superior performance at the individual as well as organizational levels (Wright et. al, 2005). However, it can be argued that the system of high performance work systems often makes an organization shift from the conventional and eclectic selection of the best practices employed in human resource management which ensures the creation of higher organizational performance outcomes but does not necessarily add to the performance outcomes of individual employees in an organization (Armstrong 2006). Developing the work on these lines of analysis, this essay is prepared with the objective of critically discussing the role of high performance work systems in organizational and individual performances (Godard 2004). Various researchers across diverse fields of study like industrial relations labor economics, organizational behavior, and strategic human resource management and operations management who have presented varied views regarding the effectiveness of the high performance work systems in the contemporary business organizations (Evans and Davis 2005). As per the views of

Poster for Class employment relations Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Poster for Class employment relations - Essay Example The relations of employees formed when labor sold by a person to an organization or other person and in return; he works for that person or organization. This relationship remains same in all countries where employees are paid to work for each other (Budd & Bhave, 2006). The relations of employees cannot be determining because of transaction of market and it can never predict accurately. The employee relation is the set of present regulative and institutional settings in which the interaction of HRM and functional activities takes place (Abbott, 2006) The theory of Unitarist Employment Relationship states that employment relation should be pleasant and unitarist sees confliction as a break down in peace and harmony of organizations. The conflict is not normal for unitarists and they want to end conflict and regaining peace of organizations (Alan, 1974). It is the management task to adapt unbiased leadership style when directing the employees and employees should have clear objectives and task while performing the assigned work. The companies whose are willing to adapt this employee theory should reduce the work of the employees to the basic elements and employees skill to undertake any task should be kept minimum. The issues of the employees should be listened by the management collectively and impersonally (Wachter, 2005). In the case of Brisbane Airline, the Government is trying to remove panic from the employees and making them assure that Government will remove all their concerns and problems regarding the Airline. The Government assures the employees that if the company will not be able to pay their debts, than there are eligible for Redundancy Scheme and Employee Entitlements. Workers are given more importance rather than on the production because if the workers are not given authority or the work given to them is not suitable for them, then there is a chance that

International Trade and Comparative Advantage Essay

International Trade and Comparative Advantage - Essay Example In the short run, farmers may be able to gain profits from planting tobacco but it must be kept in mind that the buyers of their crop are a very specialized group of companies. In the long run, their product can not be sold to everyone since even a smoker would have little use for raw tobacco unless it has been refined, packaged and sold as a finished product. This means that with time, the tobacco companies will be able to dictate the price at which they will buy tobacco or not. Additionally, if the farmer has taken a loan from the tobacco company then the dependency of the farmer on the company is doubled. The company will be able to push the price downwards or ask the farmer to bring more area under the cultivation of tobacco. In domestic terms, since the farmer will not be producing as much food crop, the prices of other food items would be expected to rise due to their relative scarcity. This comes across as a negative practice but for the tobacco companies, this is smart business which is not blocked by the American government (U.S. Department of Commerce, 2006). Acme Motors makes engines in the Nuevo Laredo facility simply because the assembly and manufacture of engine parts is much cheaper in the region. Engine assembly is an extremely labor intensive process and since labor is not that expensive in the region the overall cost of the engine is lowered. The other parts which are bolted on to the engine to complete the car are handled with automated robots to a large extent therefore the engines can be shipped back across the border to finalize the production of the car in America. This is a part of the international trade that is supposed to bring a better understanding for people around the globe and improve the human condition (UNCITRAL, 2006). Acme motors gains two significant advantages with this situation. First, the cost of

HSIE Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

HSIE - Essay Example All in all, I assisted in putting the power point presentation into a coherent group presentation. In addition, my role was to do complete the dot point that stated the task to ‘provide a brief suggestion for how this topic would be implemented in a classroom context’. This required research and the development of ideas on how the topic of Indigenous Australians could be implemented and integrated into the classroom setting. The experience in this group field visit work was, all in all, a positive experience. A primary reason is that, the experience allowed me to develop my negotiation skills, especially as group works often require members to negotiate with each other. Through the visit, as a student, I was able to gain hands-on experience and better understanding of indigenous Australians. More specifically, it allowed me to understand deeply the Indigenous Australians culture and lifestyle, especially where the resources for their daily lives were shown. The most significant professional and pedagogical learning that I have gained from the group field work is on the knowledge I was able to gain about this unique group of people. In other words, I was able to see what the Indigenous Australians’ way of life was. It allowed me to gain knowledge on their creation. For instance, I was able to see how the woven baskets they used served multiple purposes – in carrying their food and in some instances, their babies. Also, the most significant learning from the group was that due to each member’s research and information gathering, I was able to gain a functional understanding of the different equipment they used to survive, for instance, the New South Wales shield. In addition, my experience allowed me to also gain information on how the Indigenous Australians were influenced by the Europeans. This was clearly apparent on the items seen in the Australian Museum, including the shield (Australian Museum, 2012). In additi on, the most